Uganda Peoples Congress

Statement on the Uganda Situation

  1. Uganda enters into the ninth year of the rule of terror and killings on the 25th of this month - January, 1979. The country's economy and social services are near collapse. For every Uganda inside that country, it is a tormenting, cruel and oppressive new year. Ugandans abroad and in exile are equally tormented and gravely anguished by the events at home and the palsy of exile.
  2. During the past eight years Amin has made it a practice to mock those he killed, taunt Ugandans in their miseries and deceive the world that neither the destruction of lives of Ugandans on a colossal scale nor that of the economy and social services were issues at all. To him my being in exile in Tanzania was and remains an issue of stupendous proportions. Repeatedly he has imputed to me the massacres and murders committed by him and his regime, which fearfully amount to genocide. He has likewise repeatedly accused Tanzania of allowing me to send guerillas into Uganda to commit those crimes. In the past two months Ugandans and the world at large have been repeatedly told by Amin that I was the cause of his invasion of Tanzania. It is possible that there are still people who, and institutions or even governments which accept either wholly or in part some of these imputations. I have decided to break my silence in order to restate to the Ugandans the issues involved in the tragic situation in which Uganda finds itself today. I am indeed most grateful to the government of Tanzania for granting me permission to do so.
  3. It is now known the world over that Amin is a murderer; but what the world knows of Amin is much less than what Ugandans know of him. His eight years of the rule of terror has been characterised by wanton murders and massacres. It is because of this fact that Amin and his regime have earned the most chilling but highly appropriate title of "murderer." he heads a regime which has institutionalised murder squads.
  4. Two international organisations have documented, though only partially, the extent of the destruction of lives during Amin's rule. They are the international Commission of jurists based in Geneva and the Amnesty International with headquarters in London. Their reports show that murderer Amin has no remorse whatsoever for the crime of genocide he has unleashed in Uganda. Amin will most certainly continue to kill Ugandans so long as he remains in his present position.
  5. Besides being a murderer, Amin is a most consummate liar. His lies service his crimes either by duping the intended victims or covering up an accomplished act of murder or massacre. I think the best description of Amin as a liar was given in an open letter written to him in June, 1974 by Mr. Wanume Kibedi who was once Amin's Foreign Minister (1971-73). He wrote:- "As a person who has known you closely for years, before and after you assumed your present position in Uganda, I can state with the utmost convictions that you speak the truth only through sheer accident, without intending to do so. Even when telling the truth would do you no harm, or would actually do you a lot of good, you still prefer to tell lies." "The people of Uganda know that out of any ten statements that issue forth from your mouth and are alleged to be statements of fact, at least nine of them are false and the tenth is at best a half truth."
  6. One of the instances of Amin's lies cited in the Kibedi open letter is of pertinent significance in the present situation. It falls squarely within liar Amin's preparations to invade Tanzania. This is what Kibedi wrote in 1974:- "d. On several occasions in January and February 1973, you issued statements alleging that guerillas had been sent from Tanzania to assassinate me, Rugumayo (then Minister of education) and other individuals. On 4th February 1973, you put a number of such alleged guerillas on Uganda television and made them ‘confess' to their plots to assassinate me and others. The story which those ‘guerillas' told on television was obvious fake. When I made my own inquiries into the matter, I easily discovered that when the men were at the television studios, you telephoned them to give last-minute instructions on what to say. In fact you were plotting and organising a scape-goat for our eventual ‘disappearance."
  7. What flows from Kibedi's apt description in Amin's use of scape-goats in his bundle of lies. In any given situation, be it uneasiness in his army, opposition by the people to his rule or his personal decision to have someone killed, he would tell heaps and heaps of lies to pave the way for murders or massacres. After the killings he would again come out with more and more lies to cover up those crimes. In every case of murders or massacres acknowledged by him or his regime there have been lies, often contradictory, accusing guerillas, Tanzania or some other scape-goat of those killings.
  8. Amin's most popular scape-goat over the past eight years have been Tanzania and myself. In the case of Tanzania the purpose has been to divert local and world attention from serious internal problems. There have, for instance, been serious divisions within the army, stretching back to 1971 in which many soldiers lost their lives. On such occasions fighting within army barracks in Uganda were ascribed to invasions by Tanzania. The near collapse of the economy does not exacerbate unease in the army but also generates popular discontent against the regime. Consequently groups within the army and the civil population have over the years made attempts against Amin's life. The more serious of these attempts have been blamed on imaginary agents or guerillas sent from Tanzania.
  9. There is plenty of evidence to show that the recent invasion of Tanzania was a desperate measure to extricate Amin from consequences of the failure of his own plots against his own army. The immediate story begins in early October, 1978 when Amin was told of a plot by some officers and men from the Simba Battalion in Mbarara in western Uganda. The plot was to have him arrested or killed on or about the 9th October 1978. Not long before, Amin had sent murder squads composed of men from the infamous State Research and the marines regiment to massacre soldiers of the Chui Battalion in Gulu, northern Uganda on the ground that those soldiers supported General Mustapha Adrisi. Someone within Amin's inner circle sent a warning to the Chui Battalion. On their way to Gulu the murder squads were ambushed and wiped out. Amin ordered the incident to be given maximum publicity on radio. The radio told Ugandans that a group of armed robbers had been killed by troops of the Chui Battalion. Unfortunately for Uganda, the chief robber himself was not amongst them. Amin even praised men of the Chui Battalion for what he called a splendid action.
  10. When the Simba plot became known, Amin chose to plot revenge on Chui for humiliating him. He ordered men of the Chui Battalion to go to Mbarara to put down a "mutiny". That was when radio Uganda (Uganda broadcasting Corporation) first announced that Tanzanian troops of a battalion strength had invaded Uganda but that Ugandan troops were not engaging the Tanzanians! In fact the Chui Battalion was moving from Gulu to put down an imaginary mutiny at Mbarara and the Mbarara troops were later tipped to expect an attack from a force which was not disclosed. The Battle which Amin expected to develop between Chui and Simba battalions never took place because the two units had discovered the plot to have them kill one another.
  11. Amin became desperate. He now had at Mbarara two "Unreliable" units - Simba and Chui. He ordered his most loyal and best armed regiment, the marines, reinforced by a Brigade of newly passed out troops to go to Mbarara and disarm Simba and Chui Battalions. The subsequent battle saw the annihilation of the Brigade and the marines withdrew having been seriously mauled. Radio Uganda kept on with the lies of an invasion by Tanzania while in fact killer Amin was busy planning and ordering his own troops to massacre themselves. The defeat of the Marines by Simba and Chui compounded Amin's desperation. He changed tactics.
  12. The new tactics was the actual invasion of Tanzania to be spearheaded by the Malire regiment. Malire began to move out of their barracks on 20th October, 1978. Troops were told that they would be free to take back any booty, and loot, women, movable property, cattle and anything they could carry. The rest of this criminal aggression is known. I need only add that the rehearsal for the subsequent wanton destruction of lives and property in Tanzania by these gangsters was carried out a few days before the invasion of Tanzania when the killer troops ransacked houses, plundered and loaded on to lorries whatever they could take from Ugandan homes North of the border with Tanzania.
  13. The world knows how happy Amin became when his troops went on a slaughtering rampage of Tanzania citizens. Amin proceeded to proclaim part of Tanzania as his domain. Hundreds of heads of cattle were driven to Mbarara and distributed to soldiers there as bribes. Amin spoke and continues to speak of a second phase which would take his troops deep into Tanzania. In his utterances, he wanted Ugandans and the world at large to believe that his aggression against Tanzania and his conflict with the people of Uganda, constituted, one and the same issue. That certainly is not the case. Ugandans must know that their struggle against killer Amin is different and separate from Tanzania's sovereign right to force out the aggressor from Tanzania soil. The fact that Amin is the cause of both conflicts does not make the struggle one. The Tanzanian objective, as I see it, is to drive out the aggressor and to ensure that he does not repeat his aggression or mount his so-called Second Phase. This is Tanzania's sovereign right. As Ugandans our first objective is to rid ourselves of the regime of death.
  14. To confuse the issue and the situation, liar Amin has been ranting that Tanzania means to impose me as President onto the people of Uganda. One could ignore the rantings of Killer and liar Amin and leave him to wallow in his hallucinations. However, when a liar like Amin accuses the victims of his wanton aggression of mounting resistance to that aggression for the purpose of installing an individual as President of Uganda and some people begin to believe and sympathise with the aggressor and liar, the absurdity of the accusation is heightened to the plane of a conspiracy against the people of Tanzania and Uganda. Those who believe and sympathise with Amin in his lies know that they have chosen the wrong country as king - maker of Uganda. A Ugandan who believes those lies can only be a supporter of genocide in Uganda and acts of aggression against Uganda's neighbours. Anyone else who believes Amin must be against Tanzania's sovereign right to force out the aggressor and also against the people of Uganda to free themselves from a killer.
  15. It seems incredible that some people and nations should feel that they have a duty not to condemn what Amin has done to Ugandans and Tanzanians and at the same time to have no concern at all to the people of Uganda and Tanzania in their respective struggle to control a Killer. The well being of over eleven million Ugandans, in this context, would appear to be of no importance. Tanzania, the argument would seem to go, must not do anything which would make it impossible for Amin to mount a second aggression, for to do so Tanzania would be imposing a President onto Ugandans. In other words Amin's supporters would appear to hold the view that in her determination to safeguard her territorial integrity, Tanzania must leave room for a second aggression. As for Ugandans, those who support and sympathise with Amin would seem to barely recognise our existence but not for our sufferance. Worse still Amin's sympathisers appear to see no reason and no natural rights for Ugandans to put up resistance against their Killer. All these in my view, smack of a conspiracy against both the people of Tanzania and Uganda.
  16. Let me now turn to Amin's second most popular scapegoat, and that is myself. Amin's utterances about me give the impression that his coup de tat took place only recently when in fact it was eight years ago. After eight years of being in control of all instruments of government, including murder and terror squads which he created, he still regards me personally as he greatest danger to himself and his regime. The first conclusion I draw from the fact is that Amin has, to date, failed to consolidate his coup and holds the country only by terror. The credit for this failure goes to the people of Uganda for their continuing rejection of a fascist, retrogressive, and murderous man and his regime. The people of Uganda have, since 1971, learnt the vast difference between a government with all its good deeds, failures or mistakes on the one hand, and institutionalised gangsterism on the other. All evidence points to increasing and unrelenting resistance and struggle against Amin and his regime by the people. And yet he continues to single me out.
  17. I am an individual. I do not claim to have special civil rights different from those of my fellow Ugandans. I believe that every human being has a birth-right to personal safety for himself and his family equal to every other person. I equally believe that the right to self-government belongs to every people within their territory and that every community composing that territory must as a whole, control that government.
  18. I have no personal office in Uganda to gain or regain. I am anguished by the incessant killings in Uganda by Amin and his regime. It is, I believe, my fundamental civil right as a Ugandan, to join hands with other Ugandans and to put up resistance to a regime which takes pride in extensive wanton killings of its citizens. To opt out of such struggle is to be treacherous to a national duty to which every Ugandan, without exception, is called upon to undertake. It is only cranks (of whom Amin is the best example), imperialists of whatever hue and heir agents, and perhaps those Ugandans who entertain personal grudge and envy towards other Ugandans who would bring forth spurious reasons for wishing to exclude any Ugandan from the national struggle and resistance against the Amin regime.
  19. I am one of those Ugandans who believe that resistance against Amin's regime is a national struggle which must never be personalised. Having been the leader of a national Party from May 1962 to January, 1971 the head of the government of Uganda, I could have found ways and means to personalise around me that national struggle and resistance; but have never succumbed to that temptation. Instead, together with other Ugandans, I have urged the masses in Uganda to lead the struggle. That is why I have, in eight years, spoken publicly against Amin only once on the African Continent and that was in January, 1971 in Dar es Salaam.
  20. In a document which a group of Ugandans and I produced and circulated inside Uganda in July, 1971 we analysed the situation as it existed then and proposed methods of organising resistance. Surprisingly that analysis of seven and half years ago is still fundamentally valid. The most prominent issue in the Uganda situation, in so far as Ugandans are concerned, has been, since January, 25th 1971 to date, the destruction of lives. Paragraph 9 of the July, 1971 document attempted to outline to the masses how best they themselves could correct the situation and stop killings. I quote the paragraph in full:- "9. Within the country, the belief and hope are strong, wide spread that we are organising a force that will overthrow the regime. The unfortunate aspect of such belief and hope is that many of our compatriots are of the opinion that our numbers runs into the thousands. The other unfortunate aspect of he same belief and hope is that our success is so strongly assumed by compatriots inside who oppose the regime that they have not attempted to organise any co-ordinated form of resistance. Further, we who are outside have not had a single battle with the enemy. The situation where the enemy speaks of imaginary battle with us, of wiping out our units in those non-existent battles and of our units inflicting damages which turn out to be the works of the enemy must, in time, be reversed. The first steps are for compatriots inside to fully realise and appreciate the fact that ours shall be an internal armed struggle in which the Ugandan population must shoulder responsibility. To that end, we draw attention to the following and call for their articulation by compatriots inside:-
  21. That political education in our country had not developed by the time of the coup, to a degree where the gun in the hands of an oppressor, autocrat or puppet is a toy when such a dictator is faced with a determined will of the people. The task to generate that will of the people and to demonstrate it must be that of our compatriots who are politically conscious and active. The situation inside the country is such that it will probably take years to get the masses to rise up against their oppressors. The important thing is for compatriots inside to start now on this long road. Instead of falsely leading he masses to wait for "liberation" to come from outside, begin all activities which will generate a determined will of the people to liberate themselves.
  22. That the objectives of our struggle and resistance are not for the advancement of individual or group causes, are not for what each and everyone of us may or should gain in the event of success; are not for the purposes of ensuring for any Ugandan the position he held before the coup; are not for the purposes of revenging the dead or punishing individuals of groups. Ours is not a struggle and must not be a struggle against individuals or groups or any part of Uganda. Our struggle is for stability, freedom and independence.
  23. That the crimes committed during and after the coup were committed by Amin and his clique and not by their relatives or tribes and that however high the degree of our revulsions to the massive killings, when the regime falls, the police and the courts must be the only proper bodies to deal with this grave matter.
  24. That our struggle must be basically waged by the people of Uganda as a whole. In this regard, leaders and their followers should be urged to submerge their political differences so as to establish a national front against the regime of death.
  25. That the people constitute the most important single factor in the struggle and that they ae the source of inspiration and strength. Every person who joins the struggle must be made to understand that he will be contributing to the common effort to enable the people to free themselves from oppression, nightmares of killings, and to enable the people through their representatives to establish, control and manage institutions and likewise to develop and manage the national economy and social service. Above all to enable the people to elect and remove leaders and to control national and local governments.
  26. That the only course open to us is an armed struggle and resistance waged by the people themselves. We have no arms but the regime has plenty. It should not be impossible to acquire arms from that source. Our present weak position will not be so for all times if this programme is articulated and implemented. The regime's terror will certainly slow down developments favourable to the national struggle and it may therefore be years before units raised in accordance with this programme appear on the scene. In anticipation of that time, it must be imperative that whenever such units or individuals from within them come into contact with the masses anywhere in Uganda, no harm of whatever description should be done to the masses by any such units or individuals. Where such units are not welcomed, a method must be found to win confidence of the people in that area."
  27. It is quite clear from the above quotation that when other Ugandans and I wrote the 1971 document, we had no other objective whatsoever except to make our contribution to a common effort by Ugandans to save their lives. For years therefore, I have held the firm view that the conflict between Killer Amin and the people of Uganda is a matter for Ugandans to resolve. That does not mean that Ugandans would not take advantage of any other conflict between Amin and other countries. In 1976, for instance, when Amin promoted a conflict with Kenya by claiming a large part of Kenya, Ugandans took advantage of that conflict. The result, which Amin knows, has been virtual division of the Uganda army into two; one loyal to Amin the other loyal to general Mustapha Adrisi. It is doubtful whether general Mustapha Adrisi is still alive, but dead or crippled, Amin will never have a united army. His greatest mistake in the field of foreign relations was to mount a wanton aggression against Tanzania. By so doing, he has set alight a trend of events which he cannot control. His army is now in disarray. Many of his henchmen are now sending their wives, children and property out of Uganda. He has found it impossible to pay for his war of aggression and has arrested, possibly killed, all Senior Officials of the bank of Uganda and the State-owned Commercial Bank. In short, he has created a situation which could enable soldiers and the people to rise up in arms against his bloody rule.
  28. Ugandans, like all other people, disagree on many issues but on the need to get rid of Amin, I find only complete unanimity. Killer and liar Amin knows that Ugandans are determined to rid themselves of him. He knows that in all corners of Uganda he is a marked man. He knows that terror alone has sustained his bloodthirsty regime and he is very scared. For survival, Amin has adopted the behaviour of a fugitive. His movements are secret and here is no routine in whatever he does. There are over thirty houses in and around Kampala and Entebbe in which he hides. In any one night he would hide in three or more houses. At night he travels in small cars whose registration numbers are changed even between destinations. Sometimes, and like a fugitive, he would spend half a night until sunrise at a petrol filling station. His most trusted body-guards are foreigners. When hiding in the Airport building in Entebbe, troops of not less than a battalion strength, sometimes more, have to keep guard. On occasions, troops are kept there to make it appear that he was around when in fact he was hiding somewhere else. He has become so scared of and fearful of his life that desperation sometimes makes him fly in a helicopter at night from one hiding place to another.
  29. Over the years, we Ugandans, have tended not to realise fully that the task of overthrowing a discredited and inhumane regime is ours and ours alone. At times some Ugandans have nursed the idea that foreign troops would do that work but none has appeared. It would be a grave mistake for Ugandans to misread or misinterpret Tanzania's position and objective. To think that Tanzania's position and objective are interwoven with ours is to make a grave mistake.
  30. I take this opportunity to restate and reaffirm the correct path of Uganda's struggle as given in February, 1972 in a document which was produced jointly by compatriots inside Uganda and some of us outside. I quote:
  31. "The general and specific characteristic of the Amin regime are now well known throughout the country. The magnitude of the crimes, Massacres, Murders, Robberies, Rape, Looting and Theft are now known to the people. Recruitment of Foreigners on a very large scale into the army is fully known. Tortures of citizens by murder squads are now public knowledge. The telling of open lies in known. All these and many others are fuels in the hands of Ugandans to fire the national struggle and resistance.
  32. The most expensive way of bringing about a change is the use of a force not composed of Ugandans. Such a force provided it is of superior striking power can be expected to topple the regime. But a government that will be installed immediately thereafter will have no moral standing. Because of absence or lack of moral standing, such a government will also lack authority and support of the people sufficient to safeguard life and property of the citizens. The result could be considerable loss of lives. A government established by actions of a force not composed by Ugandans is bound to be more indebted to the country which provided that force than to the people it would purport to govern and serve. Material assistance is wholly acceptable.
  33. A change brought about by a comparatively few people or a narrowly based group can easily lead to an autocratic rule. The few who would participate actively with their lives as the maximum offer for the "liberation" of the country could after the success of their action, drift and begin to resent and sharing of power with the masses.
  34. There is no doubt that people are expecting some Ugandans in the army and the so-called guerillas from outside to "liberate" the country. No one in his right sense would, if that were possible, discourage such groups. There have, however, been considerable killings in the barracks which call for extreme care by the officers and men who are determined to act for their country. Suggestions by such officers about any successor administration is an easy matter provided the reason for their action is to release the people from oppression and killings. That is the only answer that can be given at present or to any future plans originating from officers in the Uganda army.
  35. The main force for change must be organised from within. There should be no wishful thinking that there are foreign troops who will liberate the people of Uganda. Ugandans outside may be able to help but no one should be led to believe that Ugandans outside, on their own, can change the situation. Let us resolve that even if it would take ten years more, the only method which will change the situation as well as ensure the unity, dignity and power of the people is the liberation of Uganda by the people of Uganda. Time is on the side of the people and in time, the people will raise the necessary force. The masses must form the base of that force.
  36. Start and expand a country - wide cell organisation. Start cautiously but do not relax efforts; go on expanding is as discreet a manner as can be devised cells, in villages, in housing estates, in places of work, in colleges and schools, in each trade union and co-operative society, in every organisation. The regime's atrocities will not make this task easy. Difficult as it is, it is the only sure road to end the killings and to bring about national independence and democracy as well as stability. Let the people exercise democracy in these cells thus preparing themselves for the future."
  37. The call to the people of Uganda to liberate themselves is even more relevant today. We must, particularly at this crucial time in the tormented life of our country, be on guard. I would urge my compatriots to close ranks so as to prosecute more vigorously than before resistance against Amin. The propaganda about Tanzania being a King-maker is a use to confuse the issue at stake and thereby make Ugandans to slacken their efforts. For eight years, Amin has used such tactics on numerous occasions that possibly only a foreigner but no Ugandan would fail to see through it. The only effective answer to such lies is for Ugandans to combine their efforts, close ranks and create a formidable force to knock-out the killer regime and set themselves free to reconstruct their country. The duty for allot us now is to start the liberation of Uganda afresh on a platform of unity.
  38. Let no Ugandan forget that Amin has over the years accused other countries of preparing to invade Uganda. All such countries are very different from Tanzania which has never had a colony nor a satellite. Most Ugandans know that since independence, Tanzanians have adopted and follow the highest set of principles to be found anywhere in Africa. That is why not only from Africa but also from abroad oppressed people have come and continue to come to Tanzania; they do not come in order for Tanzania to appoint them Kings, Presidents or Ministers and then to impose them onto their respective peoples. Nothing remotely of that kind has happened in the past and it will not happen in Uganda. Let every Ugandan know that there is no government in Africa today which respects the will of the African people in their respective countries more than the government of Tanzania.
  39. It is a well known fact that the government of Tanzania is always most scrupulous in keeping the terms of inter-African state agreements. I give one pertinent example. In 1972 I and other Ugandans were involved in an action against Amin's regime. The action led to the Mogadishu Agreement signed in October of that year by the Foreign Ministers of Tanzania and Uganda. The government of Tanzania has, to the best of my knowledge, adhered strictly to the terms of the Agreement both by letter and spirit. Thus contrary to Amin's lies I have had no training camps in Tanzania for guerillas. I have neither recruited nor caused any Ugandan to be recruited for military or guerilla training in Tanzania. I have sent no force into Uganda.
  40. I call to witness all the past Chairmen of the OAU since 1973 and also the documents of the deliberations of the OAU Council of Ministers since 1973. The Chairmen are General Yakubu Gowon, President Siad Barre, Idi Amin (himself), Prime Minister Seewoogur Ramgoolam, President Umar Bongo, and current Chairman, President Jaffar Nimeiry. None of these would say that during their respective period of office the Uganda regime ever produced evidence of any conspiracy by me or Tanzania against that regime. Further, there is no record of any complaint by the Amin regime regarding any untoward activities on my part having gone before the OAU Council of Ministers. Any serious conspiracy by me with or without Tanzania's assistance would have come to light years ago and the OAU would certainly have had record of it. I give these facts to show the resistance against Amin, has for years, been basically internal and will continue to be so until the end.
  41. Before concluding, let me take this opportunity to thank and join all those Ugandans who have condemned Amin's criminal aggression against Tanzania. I most unreservedly condemn the bastardly war of aggression against the United Republic of Tanzania launched in October, 1978 by dictator and murderous Amin. I also most emphatically condemn the violation of the territory of Tanzania, the wanton massacre of Tanzanians and the plunder and destruction of property by the evil forces of fascist Amin.
  42. I want to state categorically and authoritatively that at no time have the people of Uganda ever claimed any part of Tanzania or placed in dispute the borders between the two countries. It was Amin who, being saturated by the desire to export his thuggery and gangsterism as well as his propensities for bloodshed, laid claim to Tanzanian territory and other territories of neighbouring states, to wit: Kenya, Sudan, Zaire and Rwanda. In consonance with my fellow compatriots, I disassociate myself wholly from all these baseless claims and concomitant lies of Amin.
  43. I express the total and whole hearted solidarity of the people of Uganda with the people of Tanzania and I fully support and applaud the determined measures taken by the CCM and the government of Tanzania to ensure once and for all that this evil aggressor - Amin - does not repeat his atavistic acts of destruction in Tanzania.
  44. On behalf of Ugandans who fled to Tanzania since 1971, I firmly place on the record their and my deepest and unforgettable appreciation and gratitude for the fraternal receptions and hospitality which the people, Party and Government of Tanzania have accorded to Ugandans who have sought refugee and assistance in Tanzania as the direct result of oppression in Uganda perpetuated by the murderous regime of fascist dictator Amin.
  45. That oppression and these murders and massacres in Uganda cannot go on and on. Centuries ago, a Greek philosopher, Thucydides, raised the question which has been upper most in the minds of Ugandans during the past eight years and will be the same in the ninth year of terror. He said, "It may be in your interests to be our master, but how can it be ours to be your slaves?" For eight years is has been Amin's sympathisers' and supporters' interest to ignore our death and sufferance. For eight years it has been Amin's interest to torture us, to gouge our eyes. For eight years it has been Amin's interest to make us flee our country and create widows and orphans by the thousands every year. How can all these be in our interest?
  46. There is only one answer. It is a Uganda wide rebellion.
JANUARY, 1979.